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Like Carabea williamson nude such decrees, it cannot be taken at face value. But what should we make of it? A passage in a mid-seventeenth account does hint at the existence of a rule about slave dress before Yet searching the best compilation of early laws turns up no enactment on the subject prior to Article XXV. So to what extent did the mandate reflect existing conditions? Or did it seek to dictate new norms? In either case, was it obeyed? Did the enslaved wear only garments or fabric imposed by masters, never getting to determine their own dress? And how did the sartorial experience of slaves in the French West Indies compare with those of groups both similar and disparate in the Caribbean, elsewhere in the French Empire, and beyond?
These are the goals of a research project I am conducting on the history of textile trading, marketing, and consumption in about a dozen commercial nodes and their hinterlands throughout the Atlantic basin between the mid-seventeenth and late eighteenth centuries. Through analysis of Atlantic-wide trends, regional developments, and local singularities in the acquisition, appropriation, and deployment of cloth and clothing, I intend to shed light on the genesis of capitalist globalization, Carabea williamson nude emergence of modern practices of consumption, and the effects of changes in material culture on all manner of social groups. Studying consumption involves interpreting transactions and negotiations among persons, objects, practices, and meanings that are mediated by some combination of functional, symbolic, aesthetic, and other imperatives, as well as by discourses advanced by many of the parties involved.
In the early modern centuries, cloth was the leading global consumer manufacture: Then as now, individuals and groups employed garments to express principles, ideals, and rules, as well as to create and at times cross many types of boundaries. For all these reasons, cloth and apparel were frequently catalogued, widely discussed and portrayed, and repeatedly regulated by lay and religious authorities alike. During this period, they argue, consumer manufactures as essential elements of everyday life, consumption as a characteristic but quotidian activity, and the consumer as a distinctive but ubiquitous subject position took hold.
Prevailing—if contradictory—narratives ascribe the genesis of this complex of products and practices to singular processes, groups, and places, typically within Europe. In contrast, I argue that it emerged for a variety of reasons, in myriad geographical and social locations, and across as well as within imperial, cultural, and economic boundaries. Analyses of consumption and culture often postulate binary oppositions: I maintain, however, that in the appropriation of material goods these populations and processes interacted to formulate new cultural practices. It boasted diverse geographical and socio-economic ecologies, disparate historical and contemporary engagements with woven fabrics, and—as vital agent of early modern globalization—vigorous commercial networks that had access to textiles from across the area and beyond.
Historians have greatly expanded our knowledge of this lively, multipolar domain in the past several decades, but with few exceptions studies remain within politically defined confines. Frontiers certainly mattered within the early modern Atlantic, not least for material culture. Within empires, mercantilist incentives, tariffs, regulations, and prohibitions promoted certain goods at the expense of others. Yet imperial perimeters were often porous, not simply in the trading zones and borderlands that served as intersection points between empires and their non-imperial partners, but also in the numerous areas—paradigmatically the Caribbean—where colonial needs and desires often overrode metropolitan structures.
Analysis of the textile regimes of enslaved people in the French Antilles must therefore be sensitive to border crossings as well as to boundaries. Finding out what slaves wore 7 So what sources are available to answer the questions prompted by Article XXV? Probate inventories provide copious information about free settlers; in French colonies, indeed, the level of detail value, fabric, quality, size, color, condition, and yet more is unparalleled in any other source. But slaves, themselves considered property, could not legally hold or bequeath property, no matter how acquired, so probate inventories were not drawn up when they died.
Though for other reasons, Nor have we for slaves the letters, journals, reports, and other types of first-person documents that free colonists abundantly generated. Each issue contained numerous runaway advertisements, but barely 5 percent of listings included any information about apparel. Yet the Caribbean does provide numerous examples of two sources that are relatively scarce for most free colonists: Thanks Want to cum in ur adult hooker girl. Sexy woman searching friendship dating women wanting sex Stillwater older married women wants sex classifieds. Bisexual single female seeks platonic female friend. Looking for someone to get a beer with.
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